The JEM has a well organised diaspora composed largely of Islamists; they say they fell out with President Omer Hassan Ahmed el Beshir and regime strongman Ali Osman but they maintain strong links to the regime's former strongman Hassan Abdullah el Turabi (AC Vol 45 No 7)...
Within weeks the Justice and Equality (or Equity) Movement (JEM) surfaced and was rapidly claimed by Islamists close to the man who made the NIF what it is today Hassan Abdullah el Turabi (AC Vol 45 No 7)...
He is also believed to be an author of the 'Black Book' in which people seen as close to Hassan el Turabi complained that 'black' Sudanese (i...
The National Islamic Front claims to have foiled a coup attempt but its arrest of senior military officers and NIF founder Hassan Abdullah el Turabi owes more to pressure from Darfur and from Washington than El Turabi's plotting...
The underlying unity of the NCP (formerly NC) with Hassan el Turabi's PC was shown when they held a joint rally to commemorate Palestinian Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin assassinated on 22 March by Israeli forces...
These rebels were joined by the Justice and Equity Movement led by Khalil Ibrahim and consisting of Islamists close to Hassan Abdullah el Turabi's faction of the NIF...
Hassan el Turabi has old connections with Darfur and admirers among all the Zaghawa groups; some say his NIF faction the Popular Congress helped to finance the JEM rebels...
Before his arrival in Chad in 1990 Adouma was close to Hassan el Turabi then (and for many still) the moving spirit behind Khartoum's NIF regime...
The NIF has pragmatically made unholy alliances since Hassan Abdullah el Turabi took it over (as the Muslim Brotherhood) in 1965...
This month's release from house arrest of Hassan el Turabi was presented as part of the 'infitah' (opening up) with the man who master-minded the present regime described as an 'Islamist opposition leader'...
For example in 1980 the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood (later National Islamic Front) Hassan el Turabi initiated the move in parliament to redraw the south's boundaries transferring the oilfields to the north...
In the course of a multi-faith gathering in Khartoum Zubeir was dismayed by Cardinal Arinze's friendliness towards National Islamic Front leader Hassan el Turabi and we hear wrote to Rome to express his concern...
He described some misdeeds: 'We were oppressive and totalitarian and we used to arrest flog and gaol people' blaming them on Hassan Abdullah el Turabi (then at the apex of his power) and his followers most of whom are still in power including Omer and the then security boss Nafi'e Ali Nafi'e now Federal Affairs Minister...
Since the Machakos talks began in June 2002 it has got away with: presenting the war as the only issue; making people think a lasting peace can be established without democracy or human rights; massacring civilians to clear oil areas in Upper Nile; air bombardment of civilians in Darfur; getting rid of the effective United Nations Human Rights Special Rapporteur Gerhart Baum; building the Western Upper Nile oil road it had agreed under Machakos to halt; convincing foreigners it wants only power and money not an Islamist revolution; convincing outsiders it alone represents Sudan Sudanese and Islam; convincing people its 'project' has failed so peace is inevitable; convincing Westerners and Arabs that what Hassan el Turabi stands for is no longer NIF policy; making people forget it that it had offered the south self-determination (even secession: infisal) in 1989 and the 1997 Khartoum Peace Accord (in February 2003 Britain's then Development Secretary Clare Short called it a 'breakthrough'); transforming the debate about secular Sudan into one about the capital or part of it; establishing moral equivalence at Machakos with the far less powerful Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement; taking over the economy in the guise of privatisation: we hear hundreds of NIF companies are moving to Indonesia and Malaysia; convincing the International Monetary Fund and World Bank it's broke when it has the oil-money it needs for military expenditure; the Bank's Ishaq Diwan enthuses about a post-war 'quick impact programme'; giving the impression it was reluctant host to Usama bin Laden and Al Qaida not part of the same Islamist strategy; making gestures of anti-terrorist cooperation; confirming Egypt's belief that an independent south threatens the Nile; convincing the Arab world the Sudan war is against Arabism and Islam...
